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From: Antiquariaat Rashi Gorinchem, Netherlands. In good condition. More information about this seller Contact this seller 3. At Bethlehem, the erudite monk was occupied with the translation of Greek theologians, above all of Origen, and started to compose learned handbooks and commentaries on the Scripture and to translate the Old Testament into Latin from the original languages. In fact more a catalogue, as Erasmus had already noted, than a literary history, it was meant to demonstrate to the ignorant pagan public that the church had men of great learning.
This handbook of ecclesiastical writers, which was dedicated to his powerful friend Nummius Aemilianus Dexter, followed the model of Suetonius. It named Greek, Latin, and Syriac authors, included heretics and even mentioned Jews and the pagan Seneca. Like Helvidius, he questioned the perpetual virginity of Mary. Just as Jerome had established himself in Palestine as learned oracle of western Christianity, the Origenist controversy broke out and seriously threatened his carefully erected reputation.
His campaign in defence of orthodoxy was crystallized in his vitriolic Panarion, also known as the Refutation of all the Heresies, in which he banished every doctrine, from the beginning of the church, that he considered heretical. Jerome had met the militant heresy-hunter during his first stay in the east and then accompanied him to Rome in Almost twenty years after he had inserted Origen in his catalogue of heresies, Epiphanius was prepared to extirpate Origenism and decided to start in Palestine, his native country.
Jerusalem was known to be a stronghold of Origenist teaching, where the clergy were fond of reading the works of Origen. Overnight, as it were, he changed his mind and was converted from an ardent admirer into a zealous opponent. Some have argued that Jerome wanted to please Epiphanius. If the Alexandrian theologian were condemned, then it was to be feared that he, the Latin Origen, would be banned along with him.
That would have been the end of his far-reaching literary ambitions and the community in Bethlehem. Probably in mid-September , Epiphanius visited Jerusalem and wanted to obtain a condemnation of Origen from its bishop, John.
He was not very successful. Jerome poured oil on to the fire when he translated a letter of Epiphanius into Latin, in which the latter vindicated his condemnation of Origen. Thus, the conflict, which so far had been limited to the east, was exhibited to western readers,19 and Jerome was charged with having mistranslated the original Greek letter. Without further ado, he excommunicated Jerome and the insubordinate monks troubling the peace in Palestine and obtained a sentence of exile against Jerome from the imperial authorities.
And certainly the attention of the government was at that time likely to be directed to the incursions of the Huns into Asia Minor and not to an obscure ecclesiastical case in the Holy Land. Origenism had so far been a subject of theological discussion, but was now transformed into an ecclesiastical and even political issue. It was a struggle for power. Elitist networks were involved in the controversy from the very beginning.
Powerful friends and influential patrons served on both sides as advocates for the literary exponents of the debate and ensured the dissemination of polemical and theological statements. The controversy had become an international affair. It has been conjectured that this debate cost Jerome his friendship with Rufinus. In , Jerome wrote to Paulinus of Nola, the offspring of a noble Aquitainian family, who had just decided to lead a monastic life at the tomb of St Felix at Nola in Campania. He warned him not to come to Jerusalem, which he described as a worldly city full of prostitutes, actors, and idlers.
Two or three years earlier —5 , Augustine launched his first attack against Jerome.
Wild rumours even said that he had written a book against Jerome! Some of my friends, vessels of Christ, many of whom live at Jerusalem and in the holy places, suggested to me that this had not been done by you with complete frankness, but through desire for praise and fame and popularity, intending to become famous at my expense; that many might know that when you challenge me, I am afraid, and that when you, a man of learning, write to me, I keep quiet like an ignorant man, now that someone has been found who knew how to stop my garrulous tongue.
When challenging Jerome to recant, Augustine violated the conventions of Christian friendship based upon agreement in theological issues. Was there a better method to put pressure on the famous master of polemics? Some ten years later, they were fighting side by side against Pelagianism,34 politely discussing the origin of the human soul and the interpretation of James 2. Now, conformity and unanimity were displayed and they praised each other for their orthodox perseverance in the campaign against the heretics: You are famous throughout the world; the Catholics respect you and honour you as the second founder of the ancient faith, while and this is a sign of greater glory all the heretics hate you and persecute me with equal hatred.
But the peace did not last long. His translation of the Apology of Pamphilus and his own treatise on The Falsification of the Books of Origen were supposed to corroborate this theory.
Showing all editions for 'Jerome, Chrysostom, and friends : essays and translations'. Elizabeth A. Pain, in ancient thought, was mostly related to divine punishment King as is also evident from Genesis see Cobb , for the complexity of Christian responses to the problem of pain. All payment information is processed by Ab Melinda Gates.
It was obvious that his accusations were directed against Epiphanius, who incessantly struggled to unmask the Alexandrian theologian as a heretic. In the preface, he explained his theory of translation, a topic Jerome, too, had dealt with some time before. There are things, no doubt, which he has developed in somewhat obscure language, wishing to pass rapidly over them, and as addressing those who have experience and knowledge of such matters; in these cases I have made the passage clearer by adding words which I had read in other books of his where the matter was more fully treated.
But I have added nothing of my own; I have only given him back his own words, though I have taken these words from other passages.
Jerome, Chrysostom, and friends: essays and translations. Front Cover. Elizabeth Ann Clark. E. Mellen Press, - Biography & Autobiography - pages. Jerome, Chrysostom, and Friends: Essays and Translations. Front Cover. Elizabeth Ann Clark. Edwin Mellen Press, - pages. 0 Reviews.
It was not too difficult to identify the anonymous translator to whom this request was made by bishop Damasus. The one was destined for Rufinus, the other for his agents Oceanus and Pammachius. Jerome effusively congratulated the Alexandrian patriarch on the success of his crusade against Origenism,41 and translated into Latin a series of paschal and synodical letters in which the errors of Origen were listed and refuted.
There, Melania who had returned from the Holy Land in and Rufinus were uniting and enlarging their forces. We know that the ecclesiastical politicians Chromatius of Aquileia, Gaudentius of Brescia, Siricius of Rome, and Simplicianus of Milan were prepared to support them. Each side aimed at winning new allies. Rufinus hoped for some time to attract Anastasius, bishop of Rome, as combatant, to whom he addressed a short treatise defending his position.
When rumours reached him, he sat down to write his polemical answers. His Apology combined self-defence and assault and is another masterpiece of polemic. The argument is less compelling. Evidently, Rufinus replied in a private letter asking Jerome to put an end to his onslaughts and threatening him with disclosures and even a lawsuit.
I can be at peace with one who shows kindness; I do not fear one who threatens me. Let us be at one in faith, and peace will follow immediately.
He did not need to. After a visit to Bethlehem, Vigilantius, a presbyter of Aquitaine, had attacked Jerome as an Origenist. After , he tried to disconnect his literary programme from the Origenian persona and manoeuvred himself into a difficult situation that became even more difficult, since the great variety of the topics Origen dealt with led to a rather vague concept of Origenism, which could be applied to different theological positions.
He erred about the resurrection of the body, he erred about the condition of souls, he erred by supposing it possible that the devil may repent, and—an error more important than these— he declared in his commentary upon Isaiah that the Seraphim mentioned by the prophet are the divine Son and the Holy Ghost. If I did not allow that he erred or if I did not daily anathematize his errors I should be partaker of his fault. For while we receive what is good in his writings we must on no account bind ourselves to accept also what is evil.
Still in many passages he has interpreted the scriptures well, has explained obscure places in the prophets, and has brought to light very great mysteries, both in the Old and in the New Testament. If then I have translated what is good in him and have either cut away or altered or ignored what is evil, am I to be regarded as guilty on the score that through me the Latins receive the good in his writings without knowing anything of the bad?
Thus, the Origenist controversy is not only a story of personal rivalry, hostile insinuations, and rhetorical aggression, but also a splendid example of the social setting of a late antique Christian debate. He was highly skilled in Hebrew letters and it is written that he meditated constantly, both day and night, upon the law of the Lord. To the very end he pounded with the adamantine hammer of truth the sect of Pelagius along with its originator. His greatly esteemed works against these and other heretics are extant.
Not until the ninth century was his work accepted, and, even then, up to the thirteenth century, monks and priests were still copying and reading the Old Latin versions of the Scriptures.
Augustine, Cassiodorus, and Gregory the Great, to give only three examples, used both versions at the same time. And, in practice, the text of the Vulgate quickly became corrupted with passages taken from the Old Latin Bible. Among the three oldest Gospel manuscripts of the Vulgate that date back to the fifth century, there is only one that has not borrowed elements from the Vetus Latina; the other two manuscripts have hybrid texts.
It has thus emerged that he only revised the text of the Gospels, but not of Acts, the Epistles, and Revelation. The passages Jerome himself cites from these books of the New Testament very often differ from the text of the Vulgate. And in his commentaries on the Pauline Epistles to Philemon, the Galatians, the Ephesians, and Titus, which were written in i.
His statement in Famous Men that he had translated the whole New Testament from Greek into Latin5 might at best be understood as an intention that was never fully realized, unless one is prepared to explain it as another testimony to his amazing showmanship. The Vulgate version of Acts, the Pauline Epistles, and Revelation is now ascribed to an author working in Rome at the end of the fourth century; modern editors of the Old Latin versions in particular are prepared to identify this translator with Rufinus the Syrian, who is said to have been a friend of Jerome and Epiphanius of Salamis until he, at the beginning of the fifth century, went over to the Pelagian movement.
There, he also corrected the Latin text of the Psalter according to the Septuagint and boasted of his substantial corrections.